Elections in Russia: The 1001 Tricks to Remove Inconvenient Candidates

The Kremlin’s approach to eliminating unwanted candidates from Russia’s parliamentary election is nothing short of remarkable. With fewer than seven days left before the September 18-20 vote, the authorities have refined their methods to purge “non grata” candidates, leaving a trail of bewildered would-be lawmakers in their wake.

According to independent Russian media Verstka, at least 36 candidates have been disqualified by electoral authorities. However, this figure is dwarfed by the sheer scale of candidates vying for seats in Russia’s 450-seat State Duma (4,436) and regional parliaments (over 10,000). The real story lies not in the quantity but in the brazenness of the reasons used to disqualify these candidates.

This is no longer a matter of ordinary election shenanigans. The authorities are using dubious claims and flimsy pretexts as a cover for suppressing dissent. Matthew Blackburn, a specialist in Russian politics at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), notes that “the reasons used to remove candidates from running sometimes border on the absurd.”

Consider the cases of Dmitri Smirnov, barred for posting a photo of Lemmy Kilmister wearing a cross, and Yaroslav Shcherbakov, removed for inserting an image of Banksy’s “Girl with a Balloon” in a campaign video. The courts deemed these actions extremist content or copyright infringement, respectively.

Electoral manipulation is nothing new in Russia. As Derek S. Hutchenson, author of a book on the history of parliamentary elections in Russia, points out, this approach has been refined over time to achieve an unprecedented level of control over the political landscape. “We’re currently witnessing a new phase of the process which began in the 2000s,” he notes.

The Kremlin’s tactics are sending a chilling message: resistance is futile. The fact that these preposterous motives are used to disqualify candidates perceived as threats by the Kremlin or the United Russia party – which supports Vladimir Putin – only underscores this point. As Luke March, a specialist in Russian politics at the University of Edinburgh, notes: “The bar is very low for a candidate to be considered a threat in this election.”

This is precisely the problem. The power dynamics are skewed against any opposition or dissenting voices, leaving little room for genuine competition or debate. Even long-established parties like Yabloko have not been immune to arbitrary treatment.

As Russia hurtles toward the September 18-20 vote, it’s imperative that we pay close attention to these developments. We’re witnessing a masterclass in electoral manipulation, where dubious claims reign supreme and opposition voices are systematically suppressed. The outcome is far from certain, but one thing is clear: this election will be remembered for its audacity, not its democratic credentials.

The curtain may soon fall on Russia’s parliamentary elections, but the real drama has only just begun – a drama that promises to test the limits of dissent and the rule of law in the world’s largest country.